SocietàMutamentoPolitica <p><strong><em>SocietàMutamentoPolitica</em></strong>&nbsp;is a journal of sociology. It includes theoretical and empirical studies of social phenomena in the belief that the interweaving of society and politics is of crucial analytical importance. Sociology is a form of knowledge that works alongside other social sciences and offers a rational tool for a critique of society and for the development of good government. The main aim of&nbsp;<em>SMP</em>is to encourage an exchange of views among sociologists by promoting open debate and encouraging the young to undertake new research.</p> en-US <p>Authors retain the copyright and grant the journal right of first publication with the work simultaneously licensed under a <strong>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License (<a href="">CC-BY-4.0</a>)</strong>&nbsp;that allows others to share the work with an acknowledgment of the work's authorship and initial publication.</p> <p><a href="" rel="license"><img src="" alt="Creative Commons License"></a><br>This work is licensed under a <a href="" rel="license">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License</a></p> (Gianfranco Bettin Lattes) (Alessandro Pierno) Tue, 02 Mar 2021 07:13:44 +0000 OJS 60 Sulle tracce della partecipazione <p>.</p> Simona Gozzo, Elisa Lombardo, Rossana Sampugnaro Copyright (c) 2020 Simona Gozzo, Elisa Lombardo, Rossana Sampugnaro Mon, 01 Mar 2021 00:00:00 +0000 Quale genere di astensionismo? La partecipazione elettorale delle donne in Italia nel periodo 1948-2018 <p class="p1">In the study of voter turnout, a gender perspective is useful in many ways. Since in Italy women gained the right to vote relatively late (only in 1946), a gender gap perspective is utmost handy to grasp why women had an immediate and massive participation over the First Republic. It is also relevant for understanding why their institutional representation comparatively still scores low and why women still do not bear a grounded interest for politics. Previous research explains this anomalous behaviour (high turnout coupled with low institutional presence and interest) through the overwhelming social conformism in the Fifties and Sixties as an output of a stark contrast between mass parties, Catholic influence and deep social peer pressure. In the Second Republic, the explanation for the rise of female abstention is related to both the secularization of social and family behaviours and a general disaffection towards politics. This article outlines a long-term read of gender gap in the political turnout (1948-2018) through the aid of two sections (one pointing out the initial characteristics for a strong mobilization of female voters and another pinpointing the reverse phenomenon in the last 30 years). We then offer some points for discussion about attributed meanings, working from within inequalities and possible future effective policies to contain and reduce the gender gap in political turnout.</p> Dario Tuorto, Laura Sartori Copyright (c) 2020 Dario Tuorto, Laura Sartori Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:19:23 +0000 Partecipazione e genere in Europa: una questione di contesto? <p class="p1">This study proposes an analysis on the theme of gender differences with respect to participation in political and social life. Specifically, it takes into account the findings of traditional, revisionist and radical studies, proposing an updated and gender sensitive interpretation. In this way, we can distinguish between cause, civic and campaign oriented forms of participation, selecting among the different types and classifications proposed by studies oriented to the analysis of female involvement. The hypotheses proposed refer to the possible effects of the availability of resources (time, money, education), socialization (children, marriage, religion, divorce), motivations (trust, self-direction, information) and values (materialist, solidal, liberalist ethics). Moreover, the dynamics linked to opportunities and contextual constraints are kept under control, specifically linked to welfare policies and availability of resources to guarantee equity. A further hypothesis concerns effects that discriminate not only with respect to gender but also with reference to the mechanisms of mobilization. The analyses, carried out with data from the wave 2018 of the European Social Survey, demonstrate the substantial validity of the hypotheses and, in particular, differences emerge with respect to the type of participation and strong impact of contextual dynamics. Finally, partial confirmations of differences in mobilisation mechanisms with respect to gender emerge.</p> Simona Gozzo Copyright (c) 2020 Simona Gozzo Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:20:18 +0000 Partiti populisti, diritti e uguaglianza di genere <p class="p1">The Great Recession changed the political landscape of the European democracies with the electoral success of populist protest parties in different countries. In this article, we wonder if there are features that characterized these political parties about the issues of gender equality and women’s rights. Populism and feminization of politics are recurring topics in the scholars’ debate, but the relationships between these two phenomena are still little studied. Seeing as the issue is linked to context, and not only to the political parties’ differences, we will focus on three illustrative cases, in different European nations – Spain, Finland, Poland – analysing scientific literature and documents. The hypothesis is that the issues of gender can be an additional contentious line useful for defining identity and differences in the heterogeneous set of populist parties.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></p> Marilena Macaluso Copyright (c) 2020 Marilena Macaluso Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:21:15 +0000 Il collo di bottiglia della rappresentanza di genere. Le elette nel Parlamento Italiano nel nuovo millennio (2001-2018) <p class="p1">The essay analyzes the policies of rebalancing gender representation in Italy, examining the main approaches and their constituent elements. More specifically, the aim is to document the transformation of the opportunities structure for access to legislative Assemblies for women in the Italian context. Following a diachronic approach, the consistency of the female representation in the Chamber of Deputies from 2001 to 2018 is analyzed. The analysis considers the distribution of female members of Parliament with respect to regional election constituencies and political parties and, at the same time, the evolution of regulatory measures in favor of the rebalancing of representation. The study shows that the presence of women in national political institutions only depends to a limited degree on the introduction of the quota system, introduced by the Rosatellum Law (2018). Italy, as in the past, shows itself to be a multi-speed country that, while pursuing gender equality in places of representation through incremental regulatory adjustments, has already achieved a <span class="s1">de facto</span> rebalancing in some areas of the country.</p> Rossana Sampugnaro Copyright (c) 2020 Rossana Sampugnaro Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:22:13 +0000 Che genere di diritto? Il controverso rapporto tra movimenti delle donne e trasformazioni dell’ordinamento giuridico <p class="p1">Women movement have long seemed little interested in law, and traditional legal scholars were little interested in gender studies. However, throughout the twentieth century, women’s movements produced a real revolution in the legal order. This paper discusses the different stages of the relationship between women’s movements and the Italian way to gender equal opportunities. <span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></p> Delia La Rocca Copyright (c) 2020 Delia La Rocca Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:24:43 +0000 Meccanismi di riproduzione del gender gap nella sfera politica e nei media <p class="p1"><span class="s1">The aim of this contribution is to examine the gender inequalities issues, particularly those of women, within the political communication field and leadership processes. Despite several recommendations to reduce the gender gap, women continue to be under-represented in all sectors of society. The question tackles several aspects as the real political opportunities for women to access into public careers and their difficulty of being correctly represented in a still strong masculine culture. The starting point is the imbalance of power into public and political fields and the difficult to affirm gender opportunities in a communicative space where digitalization processes are accentuating inequalities. Along with resistance linked to the dominant political culture, the media system is also responsible for this imbalance. On the one hand, it reproduces cultural models that penalize gender representations, on the other hand, it not intervenes enough to contrast his internal structural imbalance. In addition, the action of gender-related political movements is showing effectiveness in changing the policy making. The broad literature confirms that the problems are not new, but the current political and social situation and the great transformation that has taken place in the field of political communication obliges us to review the theoretical and empirical background.</span></p> Marinella Belluati Copyright (c) 2020 Marinella Belluati Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:26:41 +0000 The ties that fight. Il potere integrativo delle reti online femministe <p class="p1"><span class="s1">With the pervasive spread of digital media, feminist struggles broaden to new spaces of contention where public discourse becomes central both as a territory and as an instrument of the fight. The strategic use of digital platforms expands the networks underpinning feminist initiatives and imbues them with cultural and symbolic resources which, in turn, contribute to protest organization but also to challenge and redefine the narratives that innervate oppressive systems of relations between genders. This article proposes an analytical approach to read more in depth the transformative potential of feminist online networks that derives from the pervasive use of digital media within feminist collective endeavors. It presents and operationalizes the concept of “integrative power” – i.e., the unique ability to join and coordinate a multiplicity of heterogeneous actors in the formation and continuous redefinition of online collective discourses. The integrative power implies a </span><span class="s2">material aspect</span><span class="s1">, related to the construction of relational networks; a </span><span class="s2">social aspect</span><span class="s1">, pertaining the relational choices made by actors; and a </span><span class="s2">semantic aspect</span><span class="s1">, which regards the construction of collective discourses. Each aspect is operationalized by means of social network analysis tools and is illustrated in practice using the example of </span><span class="s2">Take Back The Tech!</span><span class="s1">, a campaign to reclaim information and communication technologies to empower women and other marginalized gender subjectivities.</span></p> Elena Pavan Copyright (c) 2020 Elena Pavan Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:31:01 +0000 Sharing a Meme! Questioni di genere tra stereotipi e détournement <p class="p1"><span class="s1">Memes are the perfect digital products for virality and therefore visibility in digital spaces. They can no longer be considered only as an expression of frivolous activities on the margins of the political discussion but must be observed as daily practices through which citizens engage in politics and redefine the coordinates of mainstream ideology. These entertaining political-cultural artefacts, which create collective and shared meanings and spread by “leaping from brain to brain”, have produced a process of “memification of the public sphere” that develops along two main attributes: on one hand they offer new opportunities of participation and mobilization, on the other they are soaked in dominant mainstream ideology. This contribution aims to analyze two main aspects: (1) the critical issues deriving from gender stereotyping mechanisms in comparison with the opportunities for polyvocality and widening participation; (2) the reframing and detournement processes, intended as a subversion of stereotypical frames through the fluid language of anti-ideology. The coexistence of these two aspects is addressed and exemplified with reference to a recent case study in Italy.</span></p> Roberta Bracciale Copyright (c) 2020 Roberta Bracciale Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:32:38 +0000 Quando gli adulti negano agency sessuale e partecipazione alle ragazze e ai ragazzi. Adolescenti, sexting e intimate citizenship <p class="p1">The concept of intimate citizenship explores the spaces of people’s sexual lives, spaces that in the past were considered exclusively private but which today have become a subject of public discussion and social concern. Reflections on intimate citizenship have focused above all on the debate regarding sexual policies and the reconfiguration of citizenship, focusing more recently on participatory practices that take place thanks to digital platforms, which are now also very important in relation to issues related to intimacy, gender and sexuality. The intent of this article is to understand, through the use of specialist literature and specific cases, how intimate citizenship is built and negotiated in adult speech and returned to girls and boys. To this end, a highly debated practice will be considered, namely that of sexting: the exchange of sexually explicit content through messaging apps. The thesis behind this article is that, as adults, we are responding to concerns regarding the well-being of the youngest based on deterministic assumptions concerning adolescent sexuality and digital technologies. This leads to labelling some practices, such as sexting, as simply dangerous or wrong and to denying the active role of girls and boys by negating their intimate citizenship and consequently the possibility of their participation and recognition.</p> Cosimo Marco Scarcelli Copyright (c) 2020 Cosimo Marco Scarcelli Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:33:53 +0000 Il corpo desiderato: differenze di genere <p class="p1"><span class="s1">This work presents a survey on gender identity – conducted on a sample of about 4,000 Italians – which explores the differences between genders regarding embodiment, that is the consciousness we have of our body, the awareness of “having” a body and “being” a body, and the relationship between these differences, age, and political orientation. The debate nature vs. nurture, that is whether the differences between genders are more related to genetic heritage or to the influence of the environment, is millennia old and it is outlined with mentions from ancient Greece to the French Revolution and positivism, also to the different waves of feminism, and finally to the contemporary contributions of neuroscientists. In order to study empirically, on a large number of cases, the influence of gender on conceptions and desires about one’s own body, trying to circumvent “social desirability”, an original tool was used. This tool consists of a battery of twenty-eight self-anchoring scales which, unusually for a survey, explore the desire to possess bodily faculties peculiar to animals and plants, or to natural events, which human beings do not possess or which they possess in a reduced form. Therefore, no direct questions are asked about value options or attitudes; nor are social meanings offered, as “non-social” objects are asked to be evaluated. The choices of the subjects and the relationships with the mentioned properties (age and political orientation) are analyzed and interpreted.</span></p> Maria Fobert Veutro Copyright (c) 2020 Maria Fobert Veutro Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:35:17 +0000 Lavoro gratuito e disuguaglianze di genere <p class="p1">For some years now, scholars and statistical institutes have been paying increasing attention to the size and distribution of free labour, highlighting the relevant consequences on an economic, social and institutional level. The article, after a brief review of the studies related to the main lines of reflection on the phenomenon, conducts an analysis of the articulation and functions of the non-monetized economy and its transformations in post-Fordist societies. The processing of institutional data relating to the distribution of paid and unpaid working time, by gender and socio-biographical profile of the adult population, allows to verify the peculiarities of the Italian case, characterized by a particularly high amount of family work and a persistent gender disparity in its distribution. If the wealth produced by family work has positive effects on the resilience that our country shows in dealing with crises and structural problems, the oversizing of free labor and its management methods have many perverse effects on the economy, on the allocation of force work, on gender inequalities and on cohesion between genders and generations. Revolutionizing the conception that our societies have of the relationship between productive work and reproductive work is the most effective tool for working in depth on overcoming gender inequalities, as well as on an idea of ​​a more free and supportive society.</p> Rita Palidda Copyright (c) 2020 Rita Palidda Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:36:12 +0000 Le politiche di genere tra «ridistribuzione» e «riconoscimento». Un percorso di lettura <p class="p1">The essay is based on the international strike of March 8th 2017 and the gradual establishment of the<span class="s1">&nbsp;Feminism for the 99%&nbsp;</span>movement. According to theorists and activists, a&nbsp;class feminism&nbsp;able to articulate needs and political positions that speak to the&nbsp;complexity of experiences of ordinary women, so far neglected by the&nbsp;<span class="s1">liberal</span>&nbsp;dominant elite feminism. Against these events, notions like&nbsp;“redistribution” and&nbsp;“identity recognition” by Nancy Fraser, have been decisive in order to conceptualize a change which has&nbsp;occurred in these last decades within western politics. A transformation which has brought together the more impactful movements on the social protest level, unlike in the past, beyond a class&nbsp;interest perspective, as ‘groups’ or communities of value, aimed to reclaim their own identity and acquire “recognition”. A&nbsp;significant shift of perspective in gender politics, but also paradigmatic of the contemporary political experience in the progressive field.</p> Franca Bonichi Copyright (c) 2020 Franca Bonichi Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:37:21 +0000 Oltre le specificità di genere. Cura e diritti nella prospettiva relazionale di Amartya Sen e Martha Nussbaum <p class="p1">At the thresholds of 2020, gender differences are still reason of inequalities, even in the most economically advanced countries, as shown by the <span class="s1">Global Gender Gap Report</span>. Indeed, democratic and liberal societies are dominated by behavioural ‘masculine’ dynamics, according to <span class="s1">homo economicus</span>’ paradigm. Many representatives of feminism, as Ortner, complain the strong competitiveness of <span class="s1">homo economicus</span> for representing individual decisions, where are lost those horizons not regulated by markets laws: one of these is caregiving, understood as health and/or home care, where female figures prevail. I would suggest an alternative to these perspectives, androcentric and feminist, which enables to go beyond gender specificity. I have proceeded with Sen’s anthropological proposal where man is ‘relation’ with himself herself, into intrapersonal space, and with the others, into interpersonal space. Thanks to ‘multiple identities’, we can rediscover the value of reciprocity in social interactions, culminated in the birth of relational goods which returns the importance of care in these interactions which increase social capital, as in caregiving. Since the creation of relational goods two questions arise: on the one hand, asking if this may become the starting point for an expansion of care’s reciprocity from the intersubjective domain to their reference community; on the other, discussing whether an ethics of care may coexist with an ethics of rights. The answer is affirmative for both, but it requires the overcoming of gender’s dichotomy, where the ethics of care is declined with a female voice, as compassion, and the ethics of rights with a male voice, as rationality. A choral answer is required, able to harmonise, without confusing, the level of care with the respect of rights, like the goals-rights system of Sen in dialogue with the ethics of care of Nussbaum, careful to the most human aspects of the existence.</p> Valentina Erasmo Copyright (c) 2020 Valentina Erasmo Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:39:09 +0000 Prostituzione e sfruttamento tra vulnerabilità, familismo e segregazione sociale: il caso delle donne Rom <p class="p1">The article faces the issue of the sexual exploitation of Roma women, assuming that their marginal position in the global prostitution market, as a system that reflects the social inequalities, is the product of the inextricable intertwining of individual vulnerability factors and the condition of segregation. In Italy, the situation of extreme marginality that characterizes the so-called “nomad camps”, on an equal terms with other non-Roma women, increases the risk of violent exploitation and reduces the possibility of emancipation and self-determination. Therefore, even if they represent a minority of the total number of exploited women, the protection of Roma women requires the implementation of ad hoc measures within a global approach aimed at overcoming the&nbsp;“nomad camps”.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></p> Emiliana Baldoni Copyright (c) 2020 Emiliana Baldoni Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:40:11 +0000 Dentro i confini simbolici del gender order nel volontariato: pratiche e narrazioni della partecipazione delle donne <p class="p1"><span class="s1">Over the last two decades several sociological contributions have gradually shown a new interest in gender analysis of volunteering. Available statistical data indicate that this field of participation, although crossed by complex and contrasting dynamics, tends to strongly replicate the symbolic boundaries of </span><span class="s2">gender order</span><span class="s1">. Thus, we observe a structural gender-based division of tasks and power’s roles that men and women play within organizations. The conceptual overlapping between voluntary (unpaid) work and care that can occur in women’s volunteering stimulates to explore the symbolic foundations of these gender inequalities. The purpose of this article is to investigate the social construction of gender through the women’s ways of “doing” and “conceiving” voluntary work, focusing on variable articulations of </span><span class="s2">ontological complicity</span><span class="s1"> between structures of male domination and women volunteer’s habitus. Using a qualitative approach, volunteer women’s narratives are analysed to examine the links between conceptions of volunteering, meanings of care and perspectives on gendered leadership in voluntary organizations. The findings of this exploratory analysis, showing different sets of meanings related to the experience of women’s volunteering, suggest to further investigate the links between styles of volunteering (collectives and reflexives) and practices by which gender is created and recreated through social participation.</span></p> Stella Milani Copyright (c) 2020 Stella Milani Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:41:49 +0000 Il ruolo delle donne nell’accoglienza e nell’inclusione dei migranti. Tratteggi di un’agency al femminile <p class="p1">Today, the identification of migrants with asylum seekers and the overestimation of inflows – also referred to as the “refugee crisis” – has meant that Italy, as a politically strategic borderland of Europe, coincides with a battleground between sovereign drives and solidarity tensions. If refugees are the most visible object of political contention, governance operated by Ngo’s and, more generally, by civil society, sees women in the front row in a battle aimed at re-humanizing politics. The clash, which lasted for weeks between Captain Rackete of Sea Watch 3 and Minister Salvini, did not only represent a confrontation between reception policies and rejection policies, between the dehumanization of the human and care as a distinguishing element of humanity, but a clash between political power and policy. In the following months, the honorary citizenship conferred on the captain in France reinvigorated the image of a female who pushes against “the established power”, referring to an ancestral symbolic of motherhood that becomes indiscriminate acceptance. The proposed article intends to explore the contribution of the female stakeholder and the elements that connote their gaze towards otherness and the support tools used, in order to focus on its distinguishing features of a female relationship in order to support migrant women victims of proximity violence.</p> Ignazia Batholini Copyright (c) 2020 Ignazia Batholini Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:43:55 +0000 Un’intervista a Karen Ross: dodici domande su genere e partecipazione (ma non solo) <p class="p1">Karen Ross è professoressa di Gender e Media presso la School of Arts and Cultures della Newcastle University (UK). I suoi ambiti di ricerca si focalizzano soprattutto sulla relazione tra genere, media e società con un’attenzione particolare ai social media e alla comunicazione politica. Studiosa appassionata e sempre attiva, Karen ha scritto saggi fondamentali riguardo ai temi in questione; è d’obbligo ricordare <span class="s1">Gender, Politics and News: A Game of Three Sides</span>&nbsp;(2017, Wiley Blackwell), la curatele <span class="s1">Gender equality and the media. A challenge for Europe </span>(2016, Routledge; con Claudia Padovani) e <span class="s1">A Handbook of Gender, Sex and Media</span> (2012, Wiley Blackwell) e il suo lavoro come principal editor:<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><span class="s1"> The International Encyclopaedia of Gender, Media and Communication</span>&nbsp; (Wiley, 2020). Tra gli articoli più recenti si segnalano: <span class="s1">Facing up to Facebook: politicians, publics and the social media(ted) turn in New Zealand </span>(2015, in «Media, Culture &amp; Society» con Fountaine S. e Comrie M.); <span class="s1">Scaling Social Movements Through Social Media: The Case of Black Lives Matter</span> (2018, in «Social Media + Society<span class="s1">»</span>, con Mundt M., Burnett C.M.) e <span class="s1">Women, men and news: It’s life, Jim, but not as we know it</span> (2018, in «Journalism Studies»; con Boyle K., Carter C., Ging D.). Karen è stata Lead Researcher per il progetto AGEMI (Advancing Gender Equality in the Media), dal 2017 al 2019. È stata responsabile dell’European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) dal 2011 al 2013. È stata anche coordinatrice per UK e per l’Europa del Global Media Monitoring Project.</p> Cosimo Marco Scarcelli Copyright (c) 2020 Cosimo Marco Scarcelli Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:45:54 +0000 La mia Amica Vittoria <p>.</p> Giuseppe Vecchio Copyright (c) 2020 Giuseppe Vecchio Mon, 01 Mar 2021 16:59:34 +0000 Le trame della ricerca sociologica: ritratto di Vittoria Cuturi <p>.</p> Rossana Sampugnaro Copyright (c) 2020 Rossana Sampugnaro Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:00:31 +0000 Leadership e gestione della complessità <p>.</p> Vittoria Cuturi Copyright (c) 2020 Vittoria Cuturi Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:01:45 +0000 Una questione complessa <p>.</p> Simona Gozzo Copyright (c) 2020 Simona Gozzo Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:02:42 +0000 Complessità politica e complessità sociale (ma non solo) <p>.</p> Gianfranco Bettin Lattes Copyright (c) 2020 Gianfranco Bettin Lattes Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:03:41 +0000 L’intuito di Vittoria Cuturi <p>.</p> Roberto Segatori Copyright (c) 2020 Roberto Segatori Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:05:32 +0000 Una lezione di metodo <p>.</p> Rossana Sampugnaro Copyright (c) 2020 Rossana Sampugnaro Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:06:34 +0000 Il leader minimo <p>.</p> Andrea Pirni Copyright (c) 2020 Andrea Pirni Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:07:31 +0000 Leadership e democrazia: il contributo di Vittoria Cuturi alla sociologia politica <p>.</p> Lorenzo Viviani Copyright (c) 2020 Lorenzo Viviani Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:09:31 +0000 Complessità e leadership <p>.</p> Antonio Costabile Copyright (c) 2020 Antonio Costabile Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:10:55 +0000 Leadership e radici sociali del potere legittimo <p>.</p> Pietro Fantozzi Copyright (c) 2020 Pietro Fantozzi Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:11:50 +0000 Un ricordo familiare <p>.</p> Antonio Magnano, Carmelo Magnano Copyright (c) 2020 Antonio Magnano, Carmelo Magnano Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:12:46 +0000 Ripensare le politiche di salute nell’era neoliberista. Welfare mix e sofferenza psichica. Quali spazi d’intervento per la società civile? <p class="p1">The coronavirus pandemic that has brought Italy (like many other countries) to its knees brings to the surface in a brutal way the criticality of the health policy choices taken by the government in the last thirty years, guided by the principle of subordination of the quality of care to cost efficiency. The priority has been to maximize profit by sacrificing the quality of care and health services. All this forces us to redefine the terms and categories with which we read and interpret today the issues related to the physical and mental health of citizens and the policies that govern it. Starting from this, the aim of this article is to reflect on the limits of contemporary health policies and the urgency of rethinking them in terms of a greater capacity to reconcile people’s needs with a better use of public resources. To this end, the article will focus on bottom-up health policy practices that try to guarantee, at the same time, the quality of care and a better use of health spending, through the analysis of the experience of the Solaris association in Rome working in the field of mental health.</p> Antonella Cammarota, Valentina Raffa Copyright (c) 2020 Antonella Cammarota, Valentina Raffa Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:13:37 +0000 The 2019 European Elections on Twitter between Populism, Euroscepticism and Nationalism: The Case of Italy <p class="p1">European Parliament elections have often been defined second-order elections, focused on national rather than transnational issues. This paper investigates the combined impact of Eurosceptic populism and social media in the development of the campaign during the 2019 European Parliament elections. It evaluates how populist and non-populist politicians and parties campaigned for the European elections on Twitter by using the case study of Italy. Computer-assisted quantitative analysis and qualitative analysis of social media content are used to assess the relevance of Europe in political communication and the strategies used by different political actors. Findings show that the concept of nation plays a central role in the campaign, with Europe depicted either as an enemy (by nationalist populism) or a saviour (by pro-Europeans). Moreover, there is e tendency towards a “populist shift” in the communication style.</p> Carlo Berti, Enzo Loner Copyright (c) 2020 Carlo Berti, Enzo Loner Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:14:51 +0000 Storie di ordinaria radicalizzazione: fattori causali e trigger events nelle narrazioni inconsapevoli dei giovani italiani di seconda generazione <p class="p1">The aim of this paper is to investigate the narratives of radicalization (sometimes unintended) throughout the verbalization of everyday experiences by young second generation Italians. The causes of radicalization are still under the scrutiny of contemporary literature: micro, meso, and macro factors combine themselves into a complex puzzle, driving to political and religious extremism. Interviews with 42 young generation Italians with Muslim background, aged between 18-30, have been made. Interviews, based in six different Italian cities (Rome, Boulogne, Milan, Turin, Palermo, and Cagliari), have been conducted in the framework of the project <span class="s1">Oltre l’Orizzonte. Contro-narrazioni dai margini al centro</span>, aimed to prevent radicalization. In this paper, the testimonies collected isolating interviewees’ narratives on socio-political alienation, globalization and religion, and international and domestic policies are examined. Identity and cultural claims emerge as distinctive matters, depicting continuous struggles leading to a troubled adaptation between religious and cultural values and citizenship practices.<span class="Apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></p> Gaia Peruzzi, Giuseppe Anzera, Alessandra Massa Copyright (c) 2020 Gaia Peruzzi, Giuseppe Anzera, Alessandra Massa Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:16:14 +0000 Nota introduttiva <p>.</p> Lorenzo Viviani Copyright (c) 2020 Lorenzo Viviani Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:17:17 +0000 Forme del ‘collettivo’ ai tempi del corona virus <p>.</p> Franca Bonichi Copyright (c) 2020 Franca Bonichi Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:18:18 +0000 Vecchie e nuove rimozioni: rileggendo La solitudine del morente di Elias alla luce della pandemia <p>.</p> Andrea Valzania Copyright (c) 2020 Andrea Valzania Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:19:40 +0000 Un teorema (quasi) perfetto. Il libro di Giulio Moini, Neoliberismo, Mondadori, Milano, 2020 <p>.</p> Roberto Segatori Copyright (c) 2020 Roberto Segatori Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:42:17 +0000 Appendice bio-bibliografica sugli autori <p>.</p> Copyright (c) 2020 Mon, 01 Mar 2021 17:59:24 +0000